THE PRACTICE OF HIJAB (ISLAMIC VEILING) FROM A SOCIAL PERSPECTIVE: THE CASE OF IRAN AND MALAYSIA
Rusli *
Abstrak
Praktik berjilbab (hijab) menjadi satu fenomena sosial yang dianggap Barat sebagai bentuk pengekangan, penindasan, segregasi terhadap kaum perempuan dalam masyarakat Muslim. Berbagai istilah yang sering dikumandangkan oleh Barat tentang masalah ini adalah “terbelakang”, “kehilangan peluang” dan “anti modern”. Namun jika dilihat secara lebih seksama, terutama dalam perspektif sosial, bahwa fenomena h}ija>b mengandung muatan-muatan sosial dan politik yang kental, terutama ketika dikaitkan dalam kasus hijab di Malaysia dan Iran.
Kata Kunci: the Quran, jilbab, Iran, Malaysia
I. Introduction
Western feminists sometimes misunderstand veiling, which commonly occurs in Moslem societies like Egypt, Iran and Malaysia. Such terms as ‘retreating behind the veil’, ‘losing opportunities’, ‘moving backward’, or ‘regressing’ and ‘being anti-modern’ often represented the judgment that veiling is the main mode of segregating women in Moslem countries. These terms, according to Nagata,[1] are both provocative and prejudge the situation. The veil is a complex phenomenon. It could be a symbol of national liberation, of resistance (like in Turkey, Egypt and Algeria), of identity and solidarity.[2] Therefore, in order to better understand this veiling, the cultural and socio-political context in which veiling is implemented, should be taken into account because each country has different cultures, which very much influence people’s behaviour and attitudes. The message of the veil in Iran, for instance, is definitely not the same as that of Malaysia or Indonesia. This essay will compare the veil in Iran and Malaysia.
Veils and veiling are often associated with Arab women ans Islam. The veil could be referred to as hijab (cover, drape, partition), or khimar (veil covering the head and face), or litham (veil covering lower face up to eyes), or purdah in the Indo-Persian countries, and Iran has used the chador.[3] In Indonesia, people usually refer the veil to a jilbab or kerudung (a piece of cloth covering head) as a symbol of faith and loyalty to Islam. In Islam, the veil has a theological basis on which hijab (Islamic veil) is represented as being a code of behaviour and dress that governs both men and women. The purpose of veiling, as Quranically understood, is to position women in a respected place in order that they are not harassed and denigrated, and treated merely as a sex object.
II. Islamic Veil in Iran
The phenomenon of the veil in Iran can be traced back to the Shah’s regime when he forcibly unveiled women. Women were not allowed to wear Islamic hijab in the public sphere such as the workplace and schools. This policy enraged religious leaders, and in part, led to revolution against the Shah. The policy was also one reason which motivated women to wear the veil. During the revolution, many women from different backgrounds and status, such as non-religious, traditional and non-traditional, and westernised, educated women, took the veil as a symbol of solidarity and opposition the Shah, who was corrupt and highly dependent on western forces, notably America.[4]
However, in post-revolutionary Iran, Khomeini, a Shiite religious leader who led the revolution, called for women, including non-Moslems and foreigners to wear Islamic hijab. Khomeini said, “no part of woman’s body may be seen except her face and the part of her hand between the wrist to the trip of her fingers.” Khomeini’s call was enacted in the civil code, which states that appearing without hijab was regarded as crime punishable by seventy-five lashes, or a year’s imprisonment.[5] Veiling, thus, has become a central symbol of the Islamic Republic and a definitional symbol of women’s faith and loyalty.[6]
This compulsory h}ija>b, which was imposed by Khomeini, was supported by most Shite clegries in Iran. Motahhari, for instance, said “It is necessary for women to covernthemselves or else the temptations for women could lead to adultery, premarital sex, rape, and prostitution is society”.[7] On the other hand, many westernised women protested against this policy. As Mojab said, “state-imposed veiling in Iran is clearly an instrument of sexual apartheid.”[8] The Iranian poet Mirzade-ye Eshqi (1894-1924) called the chador “the Black Shroud” in one of his best known poems.[9]
The imposition of Islamic hijab may be attributed to Khomeini’s view on women. According to Khomeini, as Afshar[10] said, family is a very basic element of Islamic society, and women play such a significant role to maintain the pillars of nation and are the foundation of the nation. Women are also encouraged to take Fatima, the daughter of the Prophet, as a model for behaviour and attitudes, such as modesty, dignity, devotion and virtue, and to get rid of western lifestyles. In line with virtue and dignity, women are not permitted to appear in public space without the Islamic hijab. Their appearance in a public space is supposed to undermine their dignity and virtue.
Khomeini was strongly influenced by Shiite teachings, a sect in Islam which is usually distinguished from Sunni. Shiite sees Islam as a revolutionary force and way of life. Shiite is fundamentalist in a sense that Moslem attitudes and behaviour must be totally based on the Quran as the most principle guidance, the traditions of the Prophet and the sayings of the Imams (religious leaders). Every deed of Moslems is controlled and ruled by the Shari’a (divine law). Deeds which are considered as contradictory with the Shari’a should be eliminated. Therefore, it makes sense if the result of the fundamentalist teachings is revolutionary movements. As a result, islamization is inevitably carried out to establish Islamic society. In terms of gender relations, the framework of islamization was set up to oppose the Shah’s system, which was influenced by western concepts of gender. Islamization was achieved through gender segregation and imposition of Islamic hijab.[11] The purpose was to protect society from the side effects of women’s social participation, and to shield family.[12] In short, it can be argued that, besides the veil being interpretation by Shiite clergies of the sacred texts, it is a symbol of hostility to western forces and lifestyle.
However, according to Ashfar,[13] the imposition of the veil was a not a pure interpretation of the sacred texts, given by the Shiite clergies. It was highly linked with Khomeini’s obsessive fear of women and their sexuality. It was the best way to demonstrate Islamist’ success to the world.
III. Islamic Veil in Malaysia
In contrast to Iran, veil in Malaysia is a matter of choice. It is a freedom of women to choose whether or not to wear Islamic dress. Women are not required by the state to wear hijab, purdah, or tudung (headscarf). Also, the state does not consider Islamic veils as disturbing.[14] It is traced back to the fact that Islam had a positive image in Malaysia and was not a threat for the government. Islam in Malaysia is obedient and politically accomodating, not revolutionary as in Tunisia, Afganistan, and Iran. Therefore, the state supports all Islamic practices and manifestations. Although the practice of veiling is voluntary in most of Malaysia, in another part of Malaysia, Kelantan State, the wearing of hijab is compulsory.[15]
The veil in Malaysia takes different unique forms. Unlike in Iran which has a black-colored veil and a chador, Malaysia has traditional dress, such as kebaya and baju kurung, which have added to them a kerudung or tudung (a large scarf adjusted to head). It is one style of Islamic dress which is influenced by traditional customs and Islam. In addition, there is purdah, which is most often adopted by Darul Arqam’s women. There is also jilba>b (headscarf), which some Malay women take a fancy to. These forms of veil are not obstacles for women to be creative and successful in the public sphere, such as the workplace, hospital, and university. For instance, women in Darul Arqam play an important role in small-entrepreneurial activities in society, such as craft shops and book publishing.[16] There are also many veiled women who are involved in economy and politics, such as Wan Azizah wan Ismail, wife of the former vice president, Anwar Ibrahim. Unlike in Iran where the veil is a phenomenon of the traditional working class, the veil in Malaysia is mostly preferred among young, educated, and professional urban women. Therefore, it can be argued that the phenomenon of the veil in Malaysian is a phenomenon of the Islamic consciousness of middle-class women.
It is obvious that the social context in which the veil is adopted in Malaysia is different from that of Iran. Malaysia is a multireligious and multicultural country. The population consists of three major ethnic groups: Malay, Chinese and Indian. Malays, who are moslems, constitute a majority. Therefore, gender relations are very much influenced by the interaction between Islam and customary laws and traditions. In terms of dressing, for instance, customary laws required women to dress in a modest, simple way, although women do not wear veils or robes.[17] Before the emergence of the Dakwah movement, most women of different status dressed in traditional Malay dress, kebaya and baju kurung, which are very bright and flowery and made od silk.[18] Since Islamic resurgence, they continue to wear traditional dress, but have added to it headscarf.[19]
The widespread use of the veil as a symbol of identity and commitment to Islam may be linked with the emergence of revivalist dakwah movement or Islamic fundamentalism in 1970s and 1980s.[20] It is obvious that the purpose of Islamic fundamentalism, which comes from the Middle East, is to undermine and purify the practices and traditions which are perceived as non-Islamic. The same may be true in Malaysia. Islamic fundamentalists called for Moslems to behave in accordance with the Quran and the tradition of the Prophet. With regard to dressing, women are encouraged to wear Islamic hijab. This call was welcomed primarily by university students and professional women in the cities.
It is interesting to note that the women’s awareness of veiling emerged in the cities, where women coming from rural areas for employment and education due to the New Economic Policy in 1970, felt insecure and strange dealing with new roles in secular society. They began to search for a pure identity and a model to follow in this heterogeneous environment.[21] Thus, they found in Islam something comfortable and suitable for their identity, and enthusiastically learned Islam and adopted proper Islamic veiling.
As in other Moslem countries, such as Iran, Islam in Malaysia is seen as a means of countering westernization, secularization, and materialism.[22] Islam functions as a filter to western ideas and lifestyles, which are seen as non-Islamic. The veil, as a symbol of identity, dignity and loyalty to Islam, is regarded as a rejection to western ways of dressing.
IV. Conclusion
To sum up, the similarities between Iran and Malaysia can be traced back to the theological bases of the veil, the Quran and the tradition of the Prophet, which encourage Moslem women to cover themselves with hijab in order that they are not harassed sexually by strangers. In both countries, the veil is also considered as a symbol of identity and dignity, and as a sign of rejection of western lifestyles. To some extent, as in Iran, veiling in Malaysia is also influenced by Islamic fundamentalism, which calls for Moslem women to dress in Islamic dress.
However, different social, political, and cultural contexts determine the uniqueness of each country. Iran has adopted black-coloured veils as a symbol of mourning and grievance over Hussain, the grandson of the Prophet who was killed by a king of Umayyah. In Malaysia, meanwhile, there is no single veil. Malay women wear different colourful veils as a symbol of identity and ethnicity, such as purdah, jilbab, kerudung or tudung. Furthermore, poltically, Islam in Iran is fundamentalist and revolutionary since Iran embraces Shiite, which perceives Islam as a way of life and takes holistic-Islamic approaches to political and social life, whereas in Malaysia, Islam is accomodating and obedient, possibly due to the fact that most of the Moslem population are Sunnis, which tend to be compromising and accomodative.
However, different social, political, and cultural contexts determine the uniqueness of each country. Iran has adopted black-coloured veils as a symbol of mourning and grievance over Hussain, the grandson of the Prophet who was killed by a king of Umayyah. In Malaysia, meanwhile, there is no single veil. Malay women wear different colourful veils as a symbol of identity and ethnicity, such as purdah, jilbab, kerudung or tudung. Furthermore, poltically, Islam in Iran is fundamentalist and revolutionary since Iran embraces Shiite, which perceives Islam as a way of life and takes holistic-Islamic approaches to political and social life, whereas in Malaysia, Islam is accomodating and obedient, possibly due to the fact that most of the Moslem population are Sunnis, which tend to be compromising and accomodative.
Bibliography
Afshar, Haleh, “Khomeini’s Teachings and Their Implications for Women,” Feminist Review, No. 12 (October 1982).
Afshar, Haleh, “The Impact of Globalization and the Reconstruction of the Local Islamic Ideology and an Assessment of Its Role in Shaping Feminist Politics in Post-revolutionary Iran,” in Women, Globalization and Fragmentation in the Developing World, Haleh Afshar (ed), London: Macmillan Press, 1999.
Beatrix, Asma Larif, Behind the Veil: Islam in Malaysia and Tunisia, 2nd International Malaysian Studies Conference, Malaysia: Kualalumpur (2-4 August 1999).
Crescent International, H}ija>b: An Issue of Global Concern for the Islamic Movement (16-31 December 2000).
El Guindi, Fadwa, Veil: Modesty, Privacy and Resistance, New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.
Glasse, Cyril, The Concise Encyclopedia of Islam, London: Stacey International, 1989.
Hussain, Freda and Kamelia Radwan, “The Islamic Revolution and Women: Quest for the Qur’anic Model,” in Muslim Women, Freda Hussain (ed), London: Croomhelm, 1984.
Kiddie, Nikki R., 2000, “Women in Iran Since 1979”, Social Research, Summer 2000
Mojab, Shahrzad, “Muslim’ Women and ‘Western’ Feminists: the Debate on Particulars and Universals”, Monthly Review (December 1998).
Nagatta, Judith, “Modern Malay Women and the Message of the Veil,” in ‘Male’ and ‘Female’ in Developing Southeast Asia, Oxford, London: Berg Publisher, 1995.
Sleboda, Jennifer, “Equal Before Allah? Muslim Feminism in Malaysia” World and I (April 2001).
Tohidi, Nayereh, “Gender and Islamic Fundamentalism: Feminist Politics in Iran,” in Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism, Mohanty, C., Ann Russo amd Lourdes Torres (eds), Bloomington, Indiana Polis: Indiana University Press, 1991.
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* Dr. Rusli, M.Soc.Sc is a lecturer of Social History of Islamic Law at Islamic Institute of Islamic Studies, Datokarama Palu
[1] Judith Nagatta, “Modern Malay Women and the Message of the Veil,” in ‘Male’ and ‘Female’ in Developing Southeast Asia (Oxford, London: Berg Publisher, 1995), 103.
[2] Fadwa El Guindi, Veil: Modesty, Privacy and Resistance (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999).
[4] Nayereh Tohidi, “Gender and Islamic Fundamentalism: Feminist Politics in Iran,” in Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism, ed. Mohanty, C., Ann Russo amd Lourdes Torres (Bloomington, Indiana Polis: Indiana University Press, 1991), 252.
[7] Freda Hussain and Kamelia Radwan, “The Islamic Revolution and Women: Quest for the Qur’anic Model,” in Muslim Women, ed. Freda Hussain (London: Croomhelm, 1984), 47.
[8] Shahrzad Mojab, “Muslim’ Women and ‘Western’ Feminists: the Debate on Particulars and Universals,” Monthly Review (December 1998), 3.
[10] Haleh Afshar, “Khomeini’s Teachings and Their Implications for Women,” Feminist Review, No. 12 (October 1982), 61-63.
[11] Nahid Yeganeh, “Women, Nationalism and Islam in Contemporary Political Discourse in Iran,” Feminist Review, No. 44 (Summer 1993), 12.
[13] Haleh Afshar, “The Impact of Globalization and the Reconstruction of the Local Islamic Ideology and an Assessment of Its Role in Shaping Feminist Politics in Post-revolutionary Iran,” in Women, Globalization and Fragmentation in the Developing World, ed. Haleh Afshar (London: Macmillan Press, 1999), 59.
[14] Asma Larif Beatrix, Behind the Veil: Islam in Malaysia and Tunisia, Paper presented in 2nd International Malaysian Studies Conference, Malaysia, Kualalumpur (2-4 August 1999), 7.
[15] Crescent International, Hijab: An Issue of Global Concern for the Islamic Movement (16-31 December 2000), 3.
[17] Jennifer Sleboda, “Equal Before Allah? Muslim Feminism in Malaysia” World and I (April 2001), 1.
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